中国でのインターネット利用者数は既に2.2億人を超えており、世界一のサイバー規模になった。サイバースペースを通じて中国人は、対日感情、チベット問題に伴う北京オリンピックに係わる西側の批判を絡む反発、四川大地震の救援等といった「愛国無罪」の行為を煽るようになってきた。対日関係でいえば、最近の自衛隊の訪中と日中両国の東シナ海のガス田共同開発について中国の指導者は国内のネット世論に対して気配りをしていると報道されている。
しかし、この傾向は中国「流」の民主化プロセスと評価してよいかが疑わしい。いや、むしろ、これは中国の外交政策の道具として用いられていると理解すべきであろう。
過去30年にわたって目覚しい経済成長を遂げてきた中国は国際社会における地位が高まりつつある中、関係国との協調は従来の「特殊な事情」という言い訳の効用が逓減されてきた。従って、そうした状況下で、中国の指導部は新たな手法（悪く言えば「言い訳」）、つまり、例えば、ネット世論の重視とかを用いなければならない。
ネット世論の重視は中国「流」の「言論の自由化」に対する実験であることを勿論否定することができない。しかし、他方、このような断片的な報道（とりわけ、対外関係の問題）を受けて、中国の指導部は市民の声、または市民との対話を重視するようになったと結論するのが気になってしかたがない。
毛沢東は「百花斉放百家争鳴」というスローガンを用いて政敵や右派の知識人を弾圧したという歴史を思い起こせば、ネット世論の重視とは中国指導部の謀略であるかもしれない。
Friday, June 27, 2008
Tuesday, June 10, 2008
The Debut of a Young Researcher
My Ph.D. student--M. Affendy Arip--made his debut in presenting an academic paper at the 9th Spring Conference of Japan Society for International Development at the campus of Tokyo Institute of Technology on June 7, 2008. His presentation title is "An Empirical Study of Revealed Comparative Advantage and Intra-industry Trade between Malaysia-Japan-China."
Professor Hideki Esho commented: "The only weakness of this paper is it is loaded with too many interesting empirical findings." I take that comment as a compliment, and thus my celebration to Affendy's success in his first appearance in an academic conference.
Thursday, June 05, 2008
茶坊主とは
6月2日の日本経済新聞朝刊の「春秋」という欄は「茶坊主」とは何かを紹介した。社会人や組織に属している人にとってこの概念を把握した方が良いと考え、そのエッセイの概要をここで再現しよう。
「茶坊主」の意味は二通りある。つまり、１）室町～江戸時代に武家に供えて茶の湯の事をつかさどった剃髪の者（注：出家の意味ではない）、２）権力者におもねる者をののしっていう語、である。
また、このエッセイは立石優著の『いい茶坊主 悪い茶坊主』を引用し、いい茶坊主は１）社交性に富む、２）協調性豊か、３）調整能力がある、４）情報収集力に優れる、５）礼儀作法を弁えている、６）知性と教養がある、７）周囲に気配りする、という素質を持つ。
それに対して、悪い茶坊主は１）ゴマスリ上手、２）何事につけ要領がいい、３）告げ口する、４）人の弱みにつけ込む、５）権力者に取り入れるのがうまい、６）虎の威を借りていばる、７）人の顔色を窺う、という性格の持ち主である。
さて、こうした区分にしたがって社会人や組織人は身の回りにどういうタイプの「茶坊主」がいるかを識別して付き合う必要があるのではないかと思った次第である。
「茶坊主」の意味は二通りある。つまり、１）室町～江戸時代に武家に供えて茶の湯の事をつかさどった剃髪の者（注：出家の意味ではない）、２）権力者におもねる者をののしっていう語、である。
また、このエッセイは立石優著の『いい茶坊主 悪い茶坊主』を引用し、いい茶坊主は１）社交性に富む、２）協調性豊か、３）調整能力がある、４）情報収集力に優れる、５）礼儀作法を弁えている、６）知性と教養がある、７）周囲に気配りする、という素質を持つ。
それに対して、悪い茶坊主は１）ゴマスリ上手、２）何事につけ要領がいい、３）告げ口する、４）人の弱みにつけ込む、５）権力者に取り入れるのがうまい、６）虎の威を借りていばる、７）人の顔色を窺う、という性格の持ち主である。
さて、こうした区分にしたがって社会人や組織人は身の回りにどういうタイプの「茶坊主」がいるかを識別して付き合う必要があるのではないかと思った次第である。
Wednesday, June 04, 2008
TICAD IV
Japan, with the United Nations, co-hosted the fourth Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD IV) in Yokohama, on May 28-30. TICAD was first launched in 1993, for the purpose of promoting high-level policy dialogue--between the leaders of African countries, donor countries, inter-governmental aid organization, and NGOs--in enhancing development in Africa .
TICAD IV was attended by leaders from 51 African countries and 71 inter-governmental institutions, non-governmental organizations, eminent individuals, and representatives from 31 partner countries. This 3-days conference was concluded with a declaration--"The Yokohama Declaration"--that spells out an action plan for the next five years: in enhancing economic growth; in ensuring human security (including the achievement of Millennium Development Goals; and in addressing environmental issues and climate change.
More specifically, "The Yokohama Action Plan" emphasizes on the following priority areas:
First, importance of improving physical infrastructure, the role of trade, investment and tourism, strengthening agriculture and rural development to boost economic growth in African countries.
Second, promotion of community development for income generation, capacity building in education and health, and consolidation of peace in conflict areas, and good governance, in which the progress in these areas will become the foundation for achieving Millennium Development Goals in Africa continent.
Third, African countries need to promote environmental-friendly policy for mitigating and adapting to climate change. At the same time, African countries needs to enhance their efforts in reducing green house gas emissions by adapting the Clean Development Mechanism, and also to collaborate with Japan in participating "Cool Earth Promotion Program." Furthermore, improving water and sanitation in African countries is also a priority for promoting sustainable development.
In order to realize the goals set forth in "The Yokohama Action Plan," African leaders and their counterparts from countries and organizations endorse a broad partnership framework in implementing their activities for creating a vibrant African. This broad framework encompasses Asia-Africa cooperation, intra-Africa cooperation, public-private partnership, African development frontiers, and dialogue with civil society.
Prime Minister Fukuda Yasuo, in his opening address, pledges that the government of Japan will double its ODA amount to African countries by 2012. In addition, he also re-affirms Japan's commitment in promoting economic growth by providing up to US$4 billion of soft loans for the construction of infrastructure in Africa continent. In tandem, he also confirms that Japan will set up a new scheme known as Facility for African Investment in promoting and financing businesses in African countries. This facility will provide US$2.5 billions over the next 5 years.
Fukuda's pledges to African countries are impressive. Particularly, the emphasis on the importance of infrastructure in promoting economic growth signifies an alternative pro-growth approach in Africa. Japanese experiences in promoting infrastructure development in East Asia in the past decades indeed provide a lot of optimism in this approach for economic cooperation. Notwithstanding, there are at least three lines of critics on Japan's pledges.
The first group of critics claims that Japan's financial resources may not necessary trickle down to the people at large who are in dire need to improve their living conditions. The second strand of critics contends that Japanese money and its targeted priorities may marginalize the role of civil society organizations and international NGOs that are active in promoting development in Africa. The last category of critics, which come mainly from the Japanese themselves, strongly argues that Japan does not has the luxury in helping the development in other countries for Japan is facing a lot of financial constraints in coping with its own domestic problems such as support for its aging society, revitalization of its economy.
These critics have their merits. Thus, in order to prove them otherwise, it is vital for Japanese government and its citizens to create a set of visible mechanisms--but must be acceptable both in and outside Japan--that will monitor, assess and verify the cost and benefit, and the progress of their assistance to African countries. Failing which the critics, particularly the Japanese tax payers--will come back to say--"I told you so," and consequently making international development cooperation unpopular in Japan.
TICAD IV was attended by leaders from 51 African countries and 71 inter-governmental institutions, non-governmental organizations, eminent individuals, and representatives from 31 partner countries. This 3-days conference was concluded with a declaration--"The Yokohama Declaration"--that spells out an action plan for the next five years: in enhancing economic growth; in ensuring human security (including the achievement of Millennium Development Goals; and in addressing environmental issues and climate change.
More specifically, "The Yokohama Action Plan" emphasizes on the following priority areas:
First, importance of improving physical infrastructure, the role of trade, investment and tourism, strengthening agriculture and rural development to boost economic growth in African countries.
Second, promotion of community development for income generation, capacity building in education and health, and consolidation of peace in conflict areas, and good governance, in which the progress in these areas will become the foundation for achieving Millennium Development Goals in Africa continent.
Third, African countries need to promote environmental-friendly policy for mitigating and adapting to climate change. At the same time, African countries needs to enhance their efforts in reducing green house gas emissions by adapting the Clean Development Mechanism, and also to collaborate with Japan in participating "Cool Earth Promotion Program." Furthermore, improving water and sanitation in African countries is also a priority for promoting sustainable development.
In order to realize the goals set forth in "The Yokohama Action Plan," African leaders and their counterparts from countries and organizations endorse a broad partnership framework in implementing their activities for creating a vibrant African. This broad framework encompasses Asia-Africa cooperation, intra-Africa cooperation, public-private partnership, African development frontiers, and dialogue with civil society.
Prime Minister Fukuda Yasuo, in his opening address, pledges that the government of Japan will double its ODA amount to African countries by 2012. In addition, he also re-affirms Japan's commitment in promoting economic growth by providing up to US$4 billion of soft loans for the construction of infrastructure in Africa continent. In tandem, he also confirms that Japan will set up a new scheme known as Facility for African Investment in promoting and financing businesses in African countries. This facility will provide US$2.5 billions over the next 5 years.
Fukuda's pledges to African countries are impressive. Particularly, the emphasis on the importance of infrastructure in promoting economic growth signifies an alternative pro-growth approach in Africa. Japanese experiences in promoting infrastructure development in East Asia in the past decades indeed provide a lot of optimism in this approach for economic cooperation. Notwithstanding, there are at least three lines of critics on Japan's pledges.
The first group of critics claims that Japan's financial resources may not necessary trickle down to the people at large who are in dire need to improve their living conditions. The second strand of critics contends that Japanese money and its targeted priorities may marginalize the role of civil society organizations and international NGOs that are active in promoting development in Africa. The last category of critics, which come mainly from the Japanese themselves, strongly argues that Japan does not has the luxury in helping the development in other countries for Japan is facing a lot of financial constraints in coping with its own domestic problems such as support for its aging society, revitalization of its economy.
These critics have their merits. Thus, in order to prove them otherwise, it is vital for Japanese government and its citizens to create a set of visible mechanisms--but must be acceptable both in and outside Japan--that will monitor, assess and verify the cost and benefit, and the progress of their assistance to African countries. Failing which the critics, particularly the Japanese tax payers--will come back to say--"I told you so," and consequently making international development cooperation unpopular in Japan.
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